Archives for category: Politics

One of the last books I read was On Killing, by Lt. Col. Dave Grossman. While I was reading it, I also watched the movie The Corporation (http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0379225/?ref_=nv_sr_1). I didn’t do these things simultaneously, because that is ridiculous, but the book I had on the go at the time of my viewing of The Corporation was On Killing. Glad I cleared that up. Now, what struck me as interesting were the similarities between how Grossman describes a soldier making a kill, and how the film describes how corporations make a buck. I’m not suggesting that corporate profits are the moral equivalent of killing a dude, but hear me out and come to your own conclusions.

The first point that Grossman makes explicitly clear is that the natural urge of human beings is to avoid killing at pretty close to all costs. People would rather risk their own lives and perform non-combative tasks on the frontline (such as carrying ammunition) than fire upon their enemies. He refers to a study done in World War 2 that claimed that only 15-20% of infantry would fire their guns, and made note of many soldiers who proudly told stories of disobeying a kill order and purposefully missing during a firing squad execution, therefore insinuating that even of that minimal percentage, those firing might not even be aiming to kill.

Grossman furthers his point by claiming that this phenomenon of soldiers being unwilling to kill likely permeates the entirety of human history. Even as far back as Alexander the Great, soldiers would rather hack and slash at their opponents, despite the piercing blow being the much more lethal attack. Or the musket, traditionally associated with inaccuracy, when recreated today has a 60% accuracy rate when firing in a range. On the battlefield, the kill ratio was one kill per one hundred bullets fired (or so, my memory is a bit hazy on this statistic, but the gist is there).

So people don’t like killing. It’s not that hard of a concept to accept, really. The kicker is that while the firing rate for World War 2 was 15-20%, while the Vietnam War was going on, there was a firing rate of 90-95%. It’s a bit of a jump. What changed? Well, somebody figured out how to make killing easier.

Conditioning: The biggest change between WW2 and Vietnam was the training of the soldiers. Previously, soldiers were trained with round bulls-eye practice targets on a run-of-the-mill firing range. When trained in conditions of combat (full gear, in trenches, etc.) and firing at lifelike targets (either a silhouette or an image of an enemy combatant), soldiers are more likely to fire at, and kill, their enemy when participating in the real deal. By simulating the conditions of combat, combat itself becomes easier to perform in.

On top of the different types of physical training, soldiers are put through rigorous psychological training to desensitize them towards killing. By having marching songs about death and a barrage of imagery featuring the act of killing, soldiers are able to enter into a mindset where killing and death are the norm. This, again, facilitates committing this otherwise inherently difficult task.

The Demands of Authority: Being directly told to kill greatly increases a person’s likelihood of actually doing so. Having someone yell “fire” will likely cause those with loaded weapons to do so. This isn’t just in war time. Grossman looks at the Milgram experiment where ordinary folks with no training and no violent disposition are told to “electrocute” somebody up until and beyond that person’s death. With the authority of a clipboard and a white lab coat, what the study concluded is that people will straight up murder total strangers if you exert enough believable power over them.

Group Absolution: When in a group of people, such as a machine gun or artillery unit, individuals are more likely to shoot to kill. This occurs for two reasons. The first is that the individual does not want to let his team down. War creates a camaraderie among soldiers that is an incredibly tight bond, and those who have seen combat routinely describe their greatest fear as letting down their friends. This in turn leads to soldiers overcoming their barriers to killing in order to support their comrades. The second reason is the dispersal of guilt among a greater number of individuals. One cannot blame themselves 100% for the actions of several people, and so committing acts that individually would be virtually impossible become possible within a group.

DistanceI’m talking about two kinds of distance. The first is physical distance, and the second is basically all the other kinds. Physical distance means that it is easier to kill people from further away. We’ve been trying to get further away from killing since we started doing it. Clubs and swords to lances and halberds to bows and arrows to guns to artillery to boats and planes, and although Grossman does not mention them in the book, drones, which are pretty close to being as far from killing as you’re going to get. Killing someone with a knife is nigh impossible (to the extent that soldiers would grasp their rifles by the barrel and bludgeon their enemies rather than use the handy dandy bayonet at the end of it), whereas dropping a bomb is as simple as pushing a button.

The second distance(s) are the cultural, moral, and mechanical kinds. Culturally, the less of a person you think your enemy is, the easier it is for you to kill them. Someone from a different culture is alien, and therefore easier to kill, especially when this factor is propagandized to hell. By using slurs, such as Gook, Jap, Kraut, Raghead, Charlie, Jerry, etc. etc. a soldier can differentiate the enemy from a “human being”. By dehumanizing the enemy, the enemy becomes easier to kill. This dehumanization occurs further even with simple euphemisms, such as “engage the target” or “achieve the objective”. The language used allows a system of denial to take place that eases the soldier’s mind.

Moral distance is the enemy is wrong, and I am right. This allows a soldier to see the killing as a justice being done, rather than one person killing another.

Lastly, mechanical distance is seeing a target on a screen, or through a scope, or on a radar, or basically through any equipment that’s not their eyeballs. By putting something between them and their target, a soldier is more easily able to allow themselves to kill.

The Nature of the VictimSoldiers are found to shoot the target that is deemed the most worthwhile kill. Officers, those running machine guns, or whomever the shooter deems the most valuable kill, even something simple like the one guy wearing a helmet, are the most likely targets of a kill-shot.

These are the factors that enable us to kill. Of course, Grossman goes into far more detail than I do, and there are one or two more reasons that an individual might kill (such as those who are just genuinely totally fine with murder), and I would recommend his book if that sort of thing interests you. However, now I’m going to go over this same list again with regards to how corporations are typically run.

Conditioning: The American dream? The glorification of celebrity and wealth? I think everyday citizens are exposed to more conditioning towards the worship of money and wealth than any soldier going through basic training is taught to worship death. We aren’t socialized to want money; we need money. Want a house? You need money. Want an education? Need money. Want a family? Money. Stability? Money. The drive to go out and earn is so strong that those who don’t (or are even unable) are generally considered moral deviants. It is a moral obligation to make money.

Demands of Authority: Corporations are legally obligated to prioritize profits. They are bound to their shareholders. Not just to shareholders, businesses are liable to society, their employees, and their clients (of course not in every instance) to make a profit in order to create wealth. While I wouldn’t really compare a sergeant screaming in a soldier’s ear to shoot to kill to a shareholder’s meeting, the demands of authority to make money at all costs are definitely present.

Group Absolution: While the bond between golf buddies might not be as strong as those bonds created in war, there is definitely an element of camaraderie among the upper echelons of society. They even have their own Burning Man (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bohemian_Grove). To think that business deals wouldn’t be influenced by any sort of nepotism would be the height of naivety.

Also, and more importantly, corporations are singular entities built up as legal persons, but are in reality a conglomerate of multiple individuals. These individuals, rarely legally responsible for the actions of their corporation, not only have the other members of the board to share in any guilt, but also the abstract entity of the corporation itself. The individual accountability that is normally associated with an action goes further than mere dispersal, and goes straight into dissolution.

Distance: The top floor, in a corner office. The elite rarely associate with those on the lower levels, or visit the areas where production is being produced. In The Corporation, Michael Moore meets a corporate CEO who had never actually visited the third world country where his product was being manufactured. They even made a TV show about how hilarious it would be if bosses mingled with the lowly peons. I can’t remember what it was called, but it had CEOs flipping burgers or whatever. Undercover Bosses, maybe? That sounds right. The idea of the bosses mingling in the workforce is an entertaining novelty, not a staple of reality.

While I wouldn’t necessarily say there is a moral distance between corporate heads and their underlings, there are definitely cultural and mechanical distances. There are multiple euphemisms for firing employees (letting go, downsizing, etc.), and dehumanizing terms are used to describe people every day: client, home owner, employee, tax payers, etc. These terms, while seemingly benign, objectify people into statistics and units of measurement. (Grossman has “social distance” in his list, and points out that in earlier wars when the upper class made up the officers, they were more adept at killing the peasant infantry, but I feel as though that might as well fall under the umbrella of cultural distance because the premise is the same: “this group of people is worth less than my own group of people.”)

Mechanical distance is fairly straight forward. Most information regarding business comes through on a page where the important information has a decimal and a dollar sign.

The Nature of the Victim: While this factor is a bit more of an assumption on my part, and feel free to take this with a grain of salt, but rather than focusing on the relevancy of the victim as with shooting them, when making money the focus is on the irrelevancy of the victim. The massive amounts of capitalistic exploitation and oppression happen in areas of the world that people in North America really just don’t give a shit about. We have known about child labour and Dickensian work environments for decades now, and I wouldn’t say that things have gotten much better.

These enabling factors show up more than just in making money and in killing people. Bullying is often done in groups, and now with the internet there is a mechanical distance that allows new forms of harassment. Even something like breaking up with a significant other becomes much easier via text message (and cowardly, similar to how early soldiers called the use of the bow and arrow cowardly). What these factors do is deaden the connection that we have with our fellow human beings; they remove the emotions that we might normally feel in a face to face interaction. When applied to capitalism, we see that our culture is run by a system that engages in a conditioned sociopathy. This is not the fault of any individual, and The Corporation makes mention of this when they sit down with a CEO that has his own reservations about the environmental destruction that is taking place. The fault lies in the very structure of the system.

I’m pretty sure that everyone in the world is secretly in love with Liberalism. I mean, it’s great. If you don’t love charity, taking care of the less fortunate, and heartwarming moments of celebrities adopting Indonesian children, then you are a heartless monster. Liberalism is the recognition that things in this world are kinda shitty, and steps should be taken to alleviate those problems (Liberalism as a philosophy has a heavy focus on individualism and other things, but for the sake of this post I’m limiting myself to its political aspect). It has given us food banks, needle exchanges, subsidized housing, and a whole slough of feel-good programs and policies meant as a safety net for those who fall through the cracks of the system.

But today, I want to take a look at what liberalism would look like if, instead of focusing on someone’s economic standing, it focused on, say, their race.

Come with me on a whimsical journey to a magical fantasy world rife with racism and prejudice. The liberal think-tank would come up with these great solutions to fight this racism, like maybe some support groups for individuals who suffer from it. We could have AA meetings but for people suffering from racial discrimination. They could talk about their feelings, and find comfort in each other’s stories. Maybe there could be policies enacted that would enable people of colour to collect a stipend every month to cover the difference between their paycheque and the paycheques of their white coworkers. Liberalism would nurture racialized minorities and help them live with the racism that affects their lives daily.

However, the generally agreed upon solution towards racism isn’t to help racialized minorities cope with systemic and individual racism. It is to eliminate racism. It seems so obvious to eliminate racism, sexism, homophobia, and all the other forms of oppression that still afflict our society today, but the answers for poverty are prevalently liberalized solutions that treat symptoms, and try desperately to ignore the root problems that cause it in the first place.

Why not, instead of helping those who fall through the cracks, we fill in the cracks and prevent anyone from falling through in the first place? It’s our goal for most progressive movements, but when it comes to economic oppression, there is massive resistance.

Is it because eliminating racism is easier than eliminating poverty? I’ve been told that poverty is a necessary evil in order for a society to function. This is part of the Monetarist theory that currently runs the economy of our country: in order to keep inflation in check, there must be a certain amount of unemployment to keep the value of our dollar marketable. However, that is just a theory, and there are alternate theories which disagree. Keynesians believe that if everyone has jobs, then everyone has money, and if everyone has money, then everyone is putting money into the economy. And while Keynesian economics might not be the absolute solution to poverty, it does show that poverty does not have to be a necessary byproduct of a healthy society.

Others might think that poverty is not an oppression; it is the fault of the individual. Despite how prevalent this attitude is, I sincerely hope that I was able to convincingly refute it in this previous blog post: https://blogforchumps.wordpress.com/2014/06/10/the-clarity-of-the-merciless/ The short version is that poverty is not the fault of the individual, and is more often than not the failure of the system.

Still others argue that in order for better policies to be enacted, taxes would need to be raised, and if taxes were raised, then businesses would flee because to them, money is worth more than their community. With businesses gone, there are no jobs, and nobody paying taxes, and therefore no money for social programs anyway. While this idea is debatable, and maybe worth a blog post in itself, the main question that it always raises for me is why are we as a society consigning ourselves to the whims of the worst of us? Do we really want a society that is dependent on those who do not care for that society?

So please. Liberals. Continue to think that poverty is bad, and that something needs to be done to fix it, but come up with better solutions than coping mechanisms, because that makes no God damn sense.

Post-Script: If you like pretty pictures and eccentric Slovenians, you can watch this video here which has a similar theme:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hpAMbpQ8J7g

In the strip mall where I work, there are two men who live in the absolute depths of poverty. One has a bicycle with two buggies attached in a train behind it that carry his entire livelihood. The other is missing a leg, and sits and naps in his wheelchair outside of the grocery store with a ball cap sitting in front of him, waiting for spare change. These two men are outside every day, and as such they are occasionally brought up in the conversations between my coworkers. What I have learned from these conversations is that the man with the buggies deserves any kind of help he can get. He has a mental condition that prevents him from working, so he is incapable of sustaining himself independently. The other has full mental capabilities, and has the audacity to impinge on people’s day by speaking to them as they walk past, regardless of how hard they are trying to ignore him. Despite his potential to hold down a job, the man bound in a wheelchair would rather loiter around a mall and harass the working class as they attempt to go about their day. Because of his transgressions, the man who is missing a leg is considered less deserving of help than the man with the buggies.

There are many images people have in their mind when they think about those who live in poverty. The one that is most prominent is that of the lazy man leeching off the system. He spends his money on alcohol and drugs, and prefers to bum cigarettes off passers-by rather than shell out the money himself. Those we see panhandling on the streets often make more than enough in handouts and welfare that they can afford homes, nice homes even, and live rather comfortably. With these listless degenerates representing the impoverished, why should we bother helping them at all? It is difficult to generate compassion after hearing a story about someone witnessing a donated sandwich being thrown in the garbage by a beggar on the street.

These are the stories that have been fed to us for hundreds of years. They get into our subconscious and affect the way we think and feel about those living in poverty, and our reality becomes warped to fit them. Unfortunately, they are only stories, and ignoring the problems of those who live in poverty is not as easy when we are faced with the reality of the situation. Our archetypal mendicant, buying booze and bumming cigarettes, is not as prevalent as our stories make him out to be. For example, the reality is that our typical man in poverty is actually a woman.

Of those who receive Social Assistance, only 15% are “employable” men. Further myths include that those in poverty do not work or are lazy. This is despite the 26% of those living in poverty who are employed full-time, the 34% who work part-time, and the 10% who are unable to work. Further statistics show that 38% of those below the poverty line are children, 27% are disabled, and 16% are single mothers.

Our stories would also try to convince us that all of these people are leeching off the government and contributing nothing. Unfortunately again, the reality is that four billion dollars were paid in taxes by those considered to be low-income in 2004; 70% of which was paid in commodity taxes. This is despite welfare rates being much lower than the Low-Income Cut Off (LICO), which further disproves that those in poverty can live sustainably. Canada is thought to be generous with its less fortunate, but the percentage of GDP dedicated to social programs was only 18% in 2002. This is comparable to 29% in France, 27% in Germany, and 40% in Sweden.

What about those who swindle this low-paying, under-funded system? It seems that the estimate for welfare fraud in Canada is responsible for 3% of the total welfare budget, compared to 20% with regard to income tax fraud. On top of this, most of this fraud comes down to administrative errors.

If the reality is in such stark contrast to the public perception, how did the public perception come about? Part of the reason can be explained by looking at the history of poverty and social welfare. In 1834, England implemented the Poor Laws which banned outdoor relief (panhandling) for the able-bodied, and put them to work in poorhouses where they slaved away at menial labour for very little compensation. The view at the time was that poverty was a moral failing, and those who succumbed to it were afflicted by sloth or swayed by worldly temptation. The Protestant Work Ethic was a newly developed idea, and held that if an individual cannot provide for themselves, they must be afflicted by some sort of deficiency. This led to the notions of the deserving and undeserving poor; the able-bodied poor were considered to be lazy, and those completely unable to work were considered to be defective, and therefore worthy of charity.

The belief that those in poverty have a moral failing, or whether or not they deserve help, carries on to this day. These ideas contribute to the socially constructed image of the degenerate slacker who makes up the population of the poorest demographic. This image is not just responsible for the somewhat hard-hearted conversations in a workplace, but government policies are also shaped by the tone of the discourse that centres on poverty. For example, the invasive scrutiny one must endure in order to receive benefits implies that one must be considered “worthy” to gain assistance. Even those who live in the reality of poverty are affected by its myths. To avoid being classified as shiftless deviants, those in poverty will sometimes get off at an alternate bus stop to evade being seen going into their social housing complex. They will condemn harder than anyone the illicit drug and alcohol abuse of others in poverty, as they believe they are further stigmatized through mere association.

The hard facts of those living on Social Assistance paint a bleak picture. The dollar value of a welfare cheque in Saskatchewan as of 2003 had not changed from 1980, resting uncomfortably at $195 a month. Those on welfare are allotted $120 for food, $30 for clothes, $30 for household replacements, and $15 for personal needs. Single parents are given a slightly higher rate of $230 a month. There is a rental allowance as well, the lowest of which being $210 a month for a single, employable person, and the greatest being $500 a month for a family with six children or more.

Since cold numbers do not always properly convey the full truth any situation, let us examine some examples of what living off these kinds of earnings looks like. Struggles arise when one is not given any sort of travel assistance, so getting to the hospital, the grocery store, or a job interview means either walking, or paying for a cab, resulting in not having enough money for something else. Since rent is typically higher than the given allotment, money for food often goes to help pay for shelter. There is also the mother who had to face the decision of whether or not to place her sick child into foster care where he would at least be able to eat healthy meals. In a culture that places such importance on the image of the stable family, we would rather remove a child from their parent than see to it that the parent can raise that child properly.

Even when trying to get help the stories depict a grim reality. Anonymity is paramount when trying to obtain donated food, such as from a food bank, as the humiliation of scrutiny further degrades those seeking simple sustenance. Certain food banks will be avoided due to their intrusive inspections, and local churches will be completely excluded due to the demeaning nature of being demoted from a human being to a charity case among one’s social circle.

So why not simply get off of welfare and get a job? It seems that over time the amount of part-time, low paying jobs has increased dramatically. What started out as 3.8% of all employment in 1953, part-time employment increased to 18.5% as of 1999.

Part of the reasoning for this dramatic shift from full-time to part-time is the restructuring of the global economy. As more and more corporations become multi-national, policy is enacted to increase the profitability of those companies, such as tax reductions and the resulting decrease in social spending. The theory is that if big businesses are succeeding, this will create an upward shift in the economy, and will create jobs and a better market. However, even an increase in jobs does not necessarily mean an increase in financially sustainable living, as the jobs are trending towards being more and more part-time. This increases the profitability of the businesses, but decreases the livelihood of those in the bottom quintile. This in turn creates further dependence on Social Assistance programs which now have substantially less funding.

When the government investigates potential recipients of Social Assistance, it pursues a check of their means rather than their needs. The focus of the investigation falls on the amount of income one receives; be it a gift from a family member, or a loan to further one’s education. When means are the litmus test for help, the needs of the individual often become overlooked.

There are two types of needs: thick needs, and thin needs. Thin needs are the essential food, water, and livelihood that allow human beings to function at their basic level. Thick needs are multifaceted and culturally specific; thick needs are the fulfillment that one seeks in life. They are being able to participate in the culture to which one belongs; such as placing one’s child into little league, or taking part in a weekend trip with one’s friends. What might seem superficial to some means being included in society to others, and to ignore these needs in others is to treat them as second class citizens.

There is a powerlessness that comes from living in poverty where all decisions are difficult ones. There is the choice to stay in an abusive relationship and provide financially for one’s child, or leave the relationship and live in peace but without any funds to raise that child. One can either live in subsidized housing with the thefts, vandalism, drug users, and the general disrepair, or one can rent an apartment and not be able to afford food. In an oppressive or hostile work environment, there is choosing to stay or choosing to wait without money for the few weeks that it takes for Employment Insurance, a program meant to help those who enter unemployment by providing temporary financial aid, to kick in. It seems that occasionally the programs meant to help an individual can even contribute to their powerlessness.

Without power, dependence becomes crucial. When one depends on another, it is imperative that provisions are adequate so the dependent is not hung out to dry. There is one demographic that has become synonymous with dependence, and with that association has become the primary recipient of Social Assistance.

The traditional idea of The Woman is one who stays at home to maintain the household while her husband provides for the family’s financial stability. If there is no husband, the woman becomes helpless. While this is currently seen as an out-dated, misogynistic idea, its powerful influence remains with us today. When contemporary society carries the lingering elements of this image, and its ideals revolve around the individual taking care of him or herself, it is not surprising when 41% of unattached women under the age of 65 live in poverty compared to 34.3% of unattached men.

One factor for these disheartening numbers is the increase of part-time and low-wage employment. In 2004, women held 64% of the jobs paying minimum wage and 70% of all part-time employment. These egregious statistics are further compounded by the highly publicized yet still shocking fact that women earn 71% of the income that men do, even with comparable participation in the workforce.

The poverty of women is not caused solely by their entrapment in the low-wages industry, as the most prevalent reason for men in poverty is also low wages. Women also suffer poverty through the expectation for them to care for children or the elderly and through divorce. In 1998, 61.4% of single mothers with children under the age of 18 were living in poverty.

As finding a job is the perceived escape from destitution, a single mother must do her best to balance her life dedicated to her child with efforts towards entering the workforce. However, the amount of disincentives for a single mother to gain employment is monumental. As the prospects for work are statistically going to be limited to low-paying, part-time work, even if she were able to find a job, most of her earnings would go to pay for a babysitter, as there are no subsidies for child care in Canada. Even the hiring process works against single mothers, as the choice between a woman without children and a single parent would lead a potential employer to choose the woman without children in almost every instance.

There are token programs to help single mothers, such as the National Child Benefit which provides, based on an income test, a tax credit to families with children. While these programs offer some benefits, it is often not enough, and those women who remain in poverty become more easily swept under the rug, as officials can point to these programs and say that if someone cannot survive even with these programs in place, then it must be the failing of the individual rather than of the system, further perpetuating the socially constructed image of the impoverished deviant. Of course, when funds received from the National Child Benefit are clawed back from the Social Assistance cheque, the token programs are shown to be just as ineffective at escaping poverty as entering the labour market.

The biggest problem with forcing women into a financially unfair workforce is that it ignores the work that these mothers perform, without vacations or recognition, on a daily basis. Margaret Wente, a columnist at the Globe & Mail, describes the multiple careers that her own mother engages in: ““[she] is a one-woman voluntary social service agency-a combination of Wheel-Trans, Meals-on-Wheels, social worker, community advocate, grief counsellor and financial advisor all rolled up into one.” The scrutiny that those in poverty live with to maintain their much-needed welfare suggests that without a watchful eye, they would fall into inactivity and sloth. However, the reality is that those in poverty work harder to provide for their loved ones more than anyone else, and to classify those living in poverty as lazy goes well beyond cognitive dissonance and borders on delusional.

The single mother is the paragon of dependency. The entire family unit depends on her to support them, and she depends on the government to support her. However, the prevailing view is that dependency is a negative issue. If one is not able to support themselves, they are dependent and should strive towards autonomy. This criticism of dependence comes from the patriarchal view of dependency as a feminine, and therefore weaker, position to be in. This, however, is a faulty assumption as the traditional husband is just as dependent on his wife to take care of the family. This interdependence in the family is a micro-version of how societies work even at a macro level. There is an interdependency in the global market, when one country relies on the stability of another in order to make their own financial dealings. There is an interdependency even between the government and these single mothers, as these mothers are tasked with raising future generations of tax payers.

There is a pervasive hypocrisy in the discussion on dependence: the dependency on welfare is condemned, but the dependency on a husband for financial support is accepted as normal or even celebrated. This is shown by the ‘Spouse-in-the-House’ rule that states that if a woman might have a financial supporter in a partner, her benefits would be cut. This incongruency shows that dependency in itself is not the issue, but is merely the scapegoat used to ignore the real problems. If dependency was encouraged, society would be able to focus more on the necessary care required for the upbringing of children, rather than on whether or not a mother needs to be taken off Social Assistance. It would foster a connectedness through society that the emphasis on independence and individualism denies.

It is very easy to dismiss the problems of the poor as a personal failing. It is simple to claim one individual as more deserving of help than another. In the ideological realm of right-wing politics where the power of the individual is celebrated, it makes sense to espouse the views of Newt Gingrich who says that “those who don’t work, don’t eat.” There is a certain clarity in being able to embrace our traditional fabrications, and then dismiss the hardships of others as either trivial or deserved. We can come up with myths and stories that justify our dismissals, and use them to further degrade those whose lives are already tragic enough. But even if all those stories were true, we have to remember the reason that we are trying to help the disenfranchised in the first place. Certainly there are instances of drug users, welfare cheats, and other degenerates who abuse the system, however rare they might actually be, but are they truly less deserving of help? Is “contributing to society” a necessary prerequisite to receiving aid? Governments are expected to administer a just society, and justice is not a transaction. We need a society where dependency is not scorned. We need a society that empowers our women. We need a society that takes care of its people without asking for anything in return, because without these things, the moral failings do not belong to those who live in poverty, they belong to us.